Crossing your fingers for luck is one of the most familiar gestures in the English-speaking world. We nervously do it before a big moment, ask friends to keep their fingers crossed for a specific outcome, and use the crossed fingers emoji as a shorthand for hope. But where did the custom come from? How did looping our middle finger over our index finger become a symbol of good luck and hopefulness?
Today, crossing your fingers is a solitary act. Historically, however, it was a social ritual. One widely cited origin theory traces the custom to pre-Christian Europe, where the shape of a cross was believed to possess special power. According to this interpretation, the point where two lines intersected was seen as a place where beneficial spirits gathered. A wish made upon a cross could become anchored at that intersection until it came true.
Originally, making the gesture of a cross required two people. One person would make a wish while another crossed their index finger over the wish-maker’s finger, forming a small cross. The second participant effectively lent support to the wish, helping guide it toward fulfillment.
Over time, the ritual became simpler. Instead of requiring a partner, people began creating the symbol themselves, first by crossing the index fingers of both hands and eventually by crossing the index and middle fingers of one hand. The modern gesture may be the descendant of this much older cooperative custom.
Another theory points to the rise of Christianity. For early Christians, the cross carried obvious religious significance. The symbol had existed in various forms long before Christianity, but Christians gave it a distinct meaning through its association with the crucifixion.Making the sign of the cross was believed to offer protection, ward off evil, and invoke divine favor. Some folklorists have suggested that crossing one’s fingers may have developed as a smaller, more discreet version of this protective gesture.
According to one explanation, persecuted Christians used hand signs to identify fellow believers. One such gesture reportedly involved crossing the index fingers while touching the thumbs, helping form the outline of the ichthys, or fish symbol — an important early Christian emblem. While this theory does not fully explain how finger-crossing became associated with luck, it’s another line of thinking for why the crossed-fingers gesture may have carried connotations of blessing, protection, or hope long before it became a secular expression of good fortune.
Evidence for some of these specific stories is difficult to verify, and folklorists continue to debate how much influence early Christian practices had on the modern custom. Nonetheless, the association between the cross and good fortune became deeply embedded in European culture, making Christianity a plausible contributor to the gesture’s evolution.
Whatever its exact origins, finger-crossing gradually moved from the realm of ritual into everyday life. Many customs that began as serious religious or supernatural practices eventually became casual habits. Few people who knock on wood today are consciously invoking ancient beliefs about spirits dwelling in trees. Likewise, most people who cross their fingers are not thinking about pagan wishes or Christian symbols of protection.
Instead, the gesture has become a simple expression of hope. Language reflects this shift. By the early 20th century, English speakers were commonly using phrases such as “keep your fingers crossed” to mean “wish me luck” or “let’s hope things turn out well.” The gesture has become less important than the sentiment behind it.
Today, crossing your fingers requires no ceremony, no partner, and no special belief system. Yet every time someone crosses their fingers in hopes of a good outcome, they’re participating in a tradition that stretches back centuries.
Few moments in a person’s life are as emotional — and possibly as nerve-racking — as a marriage proposal. These proposals tend to be instantly recognizable, with a suitor dropping to one knee, ring in hand, to ask perhaps the most important question of their life: “Will you marry me?”
It’s a tradition observed across much of the Western world, and one depicted in countless paintings, photos, films, and social media posts. But where does the customary kneeling gesture come from? We could, after all, be doing all manner of actions: standing with our arms out wide, bowing theatrically, or spinning on our heads in an act of wild virility. Let’s journey back through the centuries to find out when kneeling first became a common act, and how it attached itself to the art of proposing marriage.
To understand the act of kneeling before someone, whether with amorous intentions or otherwise, we first need to look at the history of genuflection. The verb “genuflect” comes from the Latin genūflectĕre, in which genū means “knee” and flectĕre “to bend.” And bending the knee was popular long before Game of Thronesintroduced the expression to a modern audience.
It’s impossible to say exactly when it became commonplace, but we know that Alexander the Great adopted the Persian custom of proskynesis (genuflection) as part of his court etiquette sometime around 327 BCE. In other words, kneeling has been a custom for a very long time, as a way to show deference to someone — typically a person of higher status.
Fast-forward to medieval Europe: By the Middle Ages, kneeling had become a deeply meaningful act embedded in both the social and religious customs of everyday life. Genuflecting was a well-established practice in the Catholic faith, in which people would kneel to pray, specifically on the right knee. This practice continues today: According to the General Instruction of the Roman Missal, a governing document published in 1969, “a genuflection, made by bending the right knee to the ground, signifies adoration, and therefore it is reserved for the Most Blessed Sacrament.”
Knights and vassals also kneeled before lords, kings, and queens as a formal gesture of loyalty, obedience, and submission. Typically, a person would kneel on the left knee while swearing loyalty or service to a monarch, noble, or anyone of superior rank; the right knee was reserved for religious genuflection. The main exception to this custom was (and still is) the tradition of British knighting ceremonies, in which the knight-elect kneels on their right knee in front of the king or queen to receive their knighthood.
The practice of kneeling was not confined to religious and feudal ceremony in medieval Europe. Knights and noblemen also knelt before noblewomen as part of the tradition of courtly love, a cultural phenomenon in which a man would pledge his admiration and service to a lady. It was all a bit confusing back then, as the man might already have been married — often as the result of a business deal or strategic alliance. Sometimes, a new courtly commitment to a woman was serious but strictly platonic.
Nonetheless, the male admirer would dedicate himself fully to the noblewoman, kneeling before her in a gesture signifying love, loyalty, and service. By lowering himself physically to one knee (the left), the nobleman was elevating the woman above him, placing her in a position of honor.
Medieval men didn’t necessarily propose marriage this way, but the act of kneeling before a woman to show respect and love became a custom in its own right. The ritual slowly filtered down from the nobility to the common people, shedding its feudal connotations and taking on a more romantic meaning.
While getting down on one knee to propose marriage has its roots in the courts and castles of medieval Europe, it didn’t become a custom in the Middle Ages or the centuries that followed (the majority of proposals up until the modern era were more like business transactions between families rather than romantic propositions). The practice only became a common part of marriage proposals hundreds of years later — in the cinemas of the silent movie era. According to author and university professor Paullett Golden, kneeling to propose marriage is largely a modern convention that began in the U.S.: “One of the first places we see bended knee proposals,” Golden writes, “is in the silent films of the 1920s.”
In these movies, having a suitor bend the knee to propose marriage was a clear way to visually represent what was happening, rather than having two actors stare at each other with captions explaining that a proposal was taking place. The gesture was already familiar to the audience due to its widely known historical context, so it was a simple and dramatic way to show a romantic marriage proposal with no audible dialogue. This visual convention was repeated so often, and proved so effective, that it gradually crossed over from fiction into real life.
Having begun as a gesture of religious devotion, feudal fealty, and courtly love, bending the knee therefore became a standard element of the marriage proposal thanks in large part to Hollywood. According to tradition, a person proposing marriage should get down on their left knee — a relic of the medieval custom. But most people today don’t make this particular historic distinction when gearing up to pop the question.
Today, when a child goes missing, word spreads quickly through broadcast and digital networks that can reach millions within minutes. But just a few decades ago, there wasn’t a system like that in place. Missing children cases were typically treated as isolated incidents and not urgent public issues.
Then, in the 1980s, efforts to raise awareness about missing children began to take shape in America in an unexpected way. For a brief period, photographs of missing people were printed on milk cartons, turning an everyday household item into a public alert system. The practice was short-lived, but it helped lay the foundation for the systems used today. So, why did images of missing kids end up on milk cartons in the first place, and why did they stop?
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, public concern about missing children shifted in the United States. The disappearance of 12-year-old Etan Patz in New York City in 1979 was a major turning point, garnering prolific media attention and inspiring grassroots search efforts. But it wasn’t until a few years later, in the Midwest, that the idea of getting information about missing children out to the public took hold in a very specific way.
In the early morning hours of September 5, 1982, 12-year-old Johnny Gosch disappeared in Des Moines, Iowa, while delivering newspapers for the Des Moines Register. Nearly two years later, in August 1984, 13-year-old Eugene Martin vanished under eerily similar circumstances while working his own paper route in the city. Both cases rattled the community and drew national attention, not only because of the similarities between them, but also because they challenged a deeply held assumption that such crimes were rare and distant — something that happened elsewhere, not in quiet, wholesome Midwestern neighborhoods.
The Register swiftly began printing photos of the missing boys and information about their disappearances. Editor-in-chief James P. Gannon also solicited support from President Ronald Reagan in spreading fliers featuring their faces, both locally and in post offices around the country. Within weeks, local Iowa dairy farmers got involved, too. Anderson Erickson Dairy was the first to print photos and short bios of Gosch and Martin on the sides of half-gallon milk cartons sold locally in September 1984.
The milk carton campaign began naturally from both the moment and the place. The disappearances had deeply shaken Iowa communities, and local dairies happened to control one of the most common household products in America. Milk cartons passed through millions of homes every week, sitting on breakfast tables and refrigerator shelves; families saw them again and again, making them a logical choice for spreading information to the public.
Shortly after Anderson Erickson Dairy’s initiative, another Des Moines company started printing photos and bios of missing children. By December 1984, with the help of the National Child Safety Council, the program had gone national, implemented by over 700 independent dairies across the U.S. According to the NCSC, the images and biographies of missing people eventually appeared on hundreds of millions of milk cartons.
Milk cartons became the most recognizable version of the campaign, but they weren’t the only items used. Throughout the mid- to late 1980s, missing children also appeared on pizza boxes, grocery bags, buses, and direct-mail advertisements.
But the campaign didn’t last very long. By the late 1980s, critics — including pediatrician and author Dr. Benjamin Spock, one of the most popular parenting experts at the time — began raising concerns that the images were scaring young kids more than they were helping investigations. Others questioned how effective the cartons really were. Although the NCSC said in April 1985 that reported sightings of missing children had increased by more than 30%, the program resulted in very few solved cases. Sadly, the two missing boys who inspired the campaign — Johnny Gosch and Eugene Martin — were never found.
The milk carton campaign faded by the late 1980s, replaced over time by more coordinated systems such as national databases and Amber Alerts. Still, it left a lasting imprint on how missing children cases are handled. The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children says printing photos of missing people on milk cartons was foundational to the mass distribution of the missing child posters in use today.
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Shockingly Dangerous Toys Your Grandparents Played With
Before the age of cellphones and even TV screens, kids spent much more time outside, running rampant with unsupervised abandon and relying largely on their imaginations for entertainment — as well as the popular toys of the era.
It may seem like a rosy picture, but what’s often forgotten in the hue of nostalgia is how dangerous some toys were back in the old days. Your grandparents and possibly even your parents were kids before a wealth of emergency-room data had been analyzed, and no one knew how lethal certain toys could be.
From explosive Ping-Pong ball guns to radioactive science kits, the toys of the mid-20th century operated under a simple philosophy: If children enjoy it, then it’s probably fine to sell. (The U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission wasn’t even established until 1972.) Here’s a look at the toys your grandparents played with that would never even make it off the production line today.
Credit: Image courtesy of manufacturer
Austin Magic Pistol
In the late 1940s, a Michigan company released a toy that, by today’s standards, would be categorized as a firearm in many states. The Austin Magic Pistol was a toy gun that fired a Ping-Pong ball. But the ball wasn’t launched by a spring or anything else so benign — it was launched by an explosive chemical reaction between calcium carbide and water.
This produced acetylene gas, a colorless, highly flammable gas that could turn into a fireball. Firing the Austin Magic Pistol was therefore fraught with danger, not only because of the flames shooting out the end of the barrel, but also due to the risk of the gun itself exploding. Sales began to dwindle after a few years and the toy was largely removed from stores by the late-1950s.
As early as the mid-1950s, people began playing lawn darts, also known as jarts. The premise was simple: Toss heavy, 12-inch-long pointed darts (essentially little metal-tipped spears) at a ground target from several feet away. It sounds easy enough, but the darts had to be thrown with some force, which wasn’t ideal in a garden full of children.
Despite the obvious risks, jarts grew in popularity in the 1970s and ’80s, when manufacturers created cheap and attractive lawn dart sets marketed directly to children. Things soon got out of hand. From 1978 to 1986, lawn darts were responsible for an estimated 6,100 injuries treated in the emergency room, including at least three deaths, with about 81% of the victims under 15 years old. The Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC) eventually took action, banning the sale of jarts in 1988.
Clackers — alternatively named Clankers or Ker-Bangers — consisted of two polymer balls attached to either end of a string. When swung, these two balls collided with each other, creating the satisfying clacking sound that gave them their name. They became very popular among American kids in the late 1960s and ’70s, but there was one major problem: The balls had a tendency to shatter after prolonged or overly forceful contact, sending sharp plastic shrapnel flying like tiny glass grenades.
Soon, a growing number of reports of facial and eye injuries emerged, prompting the Food and Drug Administration (which regulated toy safety before the CPSC was formed) to issue a public warning in 1971. Many schools banned the nefarious toy, but it continued to be sold in shops. Eventually, Clackers were banned entirely by the CPSC in 1985.
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Photo credit: Image courtesy of manufacturer
Belt Buckle Gun
In 1959, Mattel introduced the Agent Zero Buckle Gun — a belt buckle holding a small gun. To fire it, kids had to push out their stomachs, which would make the gun flip out and fire the cap. . While kind of cool in principle, the toy had a major flaw: Any sudden movement could accidentally ignite the cap, potentially causing serious burns. With the CPSC not yet established, it was up to Mattel to do the right thing. The company quietly discontinued the dubious belt buckle gun — a toy that would be instantly banned today — consigning it to the annals of dangerous toy design.
Widely considered one of the most dangerous toys ever produced, the Gilbert U-238 Atomic Energy Lab was a children’s science kit containing actual radioactive material. (At the time, people were aware of the harmful nature of radioactive materials, but not fully aware of the risk posed by lengthy exposure to very small amounts.) Sold in the early 1950s, the $49.50 set came with four samples of uranium-bearing ores, a Geiger counter, and an instruction manual outlining various experiments to try at home.
Thankfully, the Atomic Energy Lab sold fewer than 5,000 units before being quietly discontinued after about a year — not because of safety concerns, but because of the high price point and poor sales. The toy was never actually banned, which is pretty shocking by today’s standards.
If you think modern etiquette can be fussy, 19th-century Americans would like a word. Everyday social interactions — from stopping by a neighbor’s house to eating dinner or greeting a friend — were governed by intricate, often unspoken rules. Many of these customs were designed to signal respectability and self-control, shaping how people navigated everything from social calls to public behavior. Here are a few etiquette expectations from the 1800s that offer a glimpse into that carefully ordered world.
In the 19th century, stopping by someone’s house often meant not seeing them at all. Instead, you left a visiting card — sometimes several, each carefully allocated to members of the household. As The Habits of Good Society (an etiquette manual from 1859) explains, you were expected to leave “one for the lady of the house and her daughters … one for the master of the house,” and possibly another for a grown son, though “you must never leave more than three at a time.” The card itself could even carry coded meaning: Turning up a corner might signal that daughters were included in the call.
The rules doubled as a kind of social firewall, especially around gender. Married men often skipped the whole process — their wives left cards on their behalf — while young unmarried women were shielded from casual male callers. If a servant reported that only a daughter was at home, a gentleman was expected to leave a card and go. As The Habits of Good Society put it, young women did not receive calls from men unless they were “very intimate … or have passed the rubicon of thirty summers.” And despite all this attention to the household, the call itself was technically directed to one person: “Where there is a lady of the house, your call is to her, not to her husband, except on business.”
If visiting cards governed the doorstep, the dining table was its own stage, and one where even the smallest gestures were scrutinized. One of the most important moves was using the correct fork. In the 1800s, the multipronged silver fork was still gaining ground after centuries of a knife alone being the favored implement for eating. (When forks were first introduced, some saw them as tools of the devil.)
The Victorians devised forks for every food, including meat, fish, pie, salad, pastry, dessert, berries, ice cream, turtle, mango, lobster, lettuce, oyster, and oyster cocktails. There was an anti-fork contingent, however: One 19th-century American complained that “eating peas with a fork was like eating soup with a knitting needle.”
Using the right fork was far from the only rule at the 1800s dinner table, of course. Diners were told never to cut more than one bite of food at a time, to break bread with their fingers rather than bite into it, and to avoid any display that might seem excessive — loud laughter, animated gestures, or even too much enthusiasm for the meal. As Mrs. Beeton’s Book of Household Managementput it, good manners at the table were less about enjoyment than about restraint, signaling refinement through self-control.
It’s hard to imagine in today’s far more casual world, but in 19th-century polite society, introducing yourself was a breach of etiquette. Social encounters depended on a formal intermediary, and without one, even basic conversation could be off-limits. As The Gentlemen’s Book of Etiquette makes clear, introductions were governed by a central rule: “to force no one into an acquaintance.” That meant you were supposed to quietly determine in advance whether both parties actually wanted to meet — and only then proceed.
Even the direction of the introduction mattered. A man was always introduced to a woman, never the reverse. The gentleman was considered inferior to the lady, and inferiors were supposed to be introduced to superiors. A slight bow to the superior party was considered correct. Without the proper introduction, you were expected to ignore acquaintances in public rather than risk overstepping.
Fortunately, if you were too busy to bother with introductions while at home and engaged in a task, it was socially acceptable to instruct your servant to tell visitors you were “not at home” — even when all parties involved knew this was just a convenient fiction.
In the 19th century, stepping out in public without gloves wasn’t just a fashion lapse — it could read as outright impropriety. Etiquette manuals treated gloves as essential, particularly for women, whose bare hands were considered too intimate for public display. As The Ladies’ Book of Etiquette, and Manual of Politeness advised, a well-bred woman should always be gloved when visiting, shopping, or attending social events, removing them only in very limited circumstances (such as dining). Gloves also had to be clean, well-fitting, and appropriate to the time of day — dingy or ill-kept gloves could quietly undermine an otherwise respectable appearance.
The rules could get surprisingly specific. You weren’t supposed to shake hands with a bare hand if gloves were expected (better to keep them on than create an awkward mismatch), and pulling off your gloves too hastily could itself seem improper. Men, meanwhile, were expected to remove their gloves when greeting women or entering a private space, but not outdoors or during formal calls. Historians note that these customs weren’t just about hygiene or style; they helped maintain a carefully managed boundary between public and private selves. In a world attuned to subtle signals, even your fingertips had to follow the rules.
For a 19th-century widow, grief came with a strict social timetable — and for the first year, it meant near-total withdrawal. Etiquette dictated that a widow in “deep mourning” could not accept invitations, attend parties, or appear in places of public amusement; doing so was considered “the worst possible taste.” These expectations were widely observed in both Britain and the United States, reinforced by influential figures such as Queen Victoria but rooted in earlier mourning traditions. Only after a year and a day could a widow begin to reenter society, gradually transitioning into “half mourning” over the course of two years.
Mourning wasn’t just worn, either — it was also printed and circulated. Families sent out memorial cards after a death, often embossed with symbols such as lilies of the valley or wreaths, and enclosed in black-edged envelopes — a practice that grew out of earlier religious reminders to pray for the deceased. Personal correspondence followed suit: Mourning stationery featured black borders whose thickness could signal the recency of the loss. Together, these customs made bereavement highly visible, turning private grief into a carefully managed public identity.
“Beauty is pain” is a familiar phrase, and one that has been taken quite literally at many points in history. People have swallowed toxins such as arsenic and restricted their bodies with corsets, all in the name of status, style, and desirability. Here are five of the most extreme examples of dangerous beauty trends from decades past.
In the early 20th century, radium was briefly treated like a miracle ingredient. Following its 1898 discovery, radium’s mysterious, faint luminescence made it seem almost magical; as early as 1904, products such as the topical product Ec-Zine and even drinkable radium water were being advertised as a cure-all for everything from eczema to pimples to blood poison.
By the 1930s, beauty brands had leaned in, too. The French company Tho-Radia — so named for the elements thorium and radium — sold face creams and lipstick claiming to be a “perfect scientific method of keeping the skin of the face and neck in order.” The claims, of course, turned out to be very wrong. Long-term exposure to radium has many negative health effects, including damaging bones and increasing cancer risk. By the end of the 1930s, growing awareness of health dangers and tightening government regulations brought the use of radium in beauty and wellness products to an end.
In Elizabethan England, pale skin was fashionable, seen as a sign of wealth and leisure. To achieve the look, many women turned to a popular foundation known as Venetian ceruse. Made with vinegar, water, and white lead powder, it certainly cast women in their desired pallor. But used over extended periods, it could also lead to skin discoloration and hair loss; over a long time, exposure to lead can also cause neurological damage.
Lead was present in other cosmetics at the time, too. Rouge was a common makeup often formulated from white lead with colored dyes mixed in. But Elizabethans weren’t the first to use lead in their beauty regimens: Evidence points to its use not only in ancient Roman times but also as far back as 3500 BCE in ancient Mesopotamia and 3000 BCE in ancient Egypt.
During the Renaissance era in Europe, especially in parts of Italy, beauty ideals often emphasized large, luminous eyes. To get the desired effect, some women used eyedrops made from Atropa belladonna, a highly toxic plant also known as deadly nightshade. The plant contains atropine — the compound that, in carefully measured, sterile doses, your eye doctor might give you today to dilate your pupils.
That’s exactly what Venetian women were aiming for, too. But their doses were unregulated and applied repeatedly for the cosmetic effect of big, alluring eyes. The cost was high: Belladonna interferes with the nervous system and often causes blurred vision, extreme light sensitivity, and disorientation, with repeated use leading to long-term vision damage or blindness.
When X-rays were discovered in 1895, they quickly earned a place in the public imagination as a kind of invisible, modern force that could do just about anything. By the early 20th century, that fascination had spilled into beauty culture, and clinics throughout North American and Europe began offering X-ray hair removal as a painless, high-tech alternative to shaving or waxing unwanted facial or body hair.
The treatment worked by damaging hair follicles with radiation exposure, leading to hair loss over time. Though that was the desired effect, what was not yet understood was the cumulative harm of the technology’s radiation. Many patients developed burns, chronic skin damage, and in some cases, cancer decades later. Eventually it became clear that the medical risks outweighed the perceived aesthetic benefits, and by the late 1940s, X-ray hair removal services were no longer offered.
At the turn of the 20th century, weight-loss culture was already established, if much less publicly advertised than today. But it reached new levels with the emergence of tapeworm dieting. Marketed through advertisements and distributed through unregulated mail-order products, the diet promised effortless slimming by ingesting tapeworm eggs, critters dubbed “friends for a fair form.”
Once inside the body, the tapeworm would allegedly hatch and go on to absorb nutrients from food, supposedly allowing the host to eat as usual while still losing weight. When a person reached their desired weight, they were meant to take an anti-parasitic treatment to kill the tapeworm and simply pass it from the body.
In reality, tapeworms can grow up to 30 feet long and cause people to have diarrhea, vomiting, malnutrition, as well as abdominal problems and more serious health concerns; they can also cause complications upon removal. While a 19th-century patent for a tapeworm trap does exist, designed to be used after ingesting the critter for weight loss, it’s likely that many of the marketed products contained laxatives or placebos instead of actual tapeworms, and the trend was all but abandoned by the mid-20th century.
Before living rooms and family rooms, there was the parlor — a space designed less for living in than for being seen. Often pristine and a little intimidating, the room was reserved for guests, special occasions, and the careful display of a family’s taste and status. Though the term has mostly disappeared today, the parlor has a long history, from medieval monasteries to middle-class domestic life. Here’s a look back at the rise and fall of the parlor.
The word “parlor” has always been about talking. The term traces back to the Old French parler, meaning “to speak,” and entered English around the 13th century as “parlur” — a word that originally referred to a small window in monasteries through which priests heard confessions. The meaning then expanded to describe a designated room within a monastery set aside for conversation — a space where the otherwise cloistered inhabitants could interact with visitors or speak privately among themselves.
That dual idea — conversation paired with separation — stuck. By the late 14th century, the word had shifted beyond religious life to describe a room set apart from a great hall and offering a measure of privacy. By the 15th century, the concept had settled into domestic architecture as a room in a private home used for receiving guests or holding more formal conversations.
The parlor’s journey from the monastery to the middle-class home mirrors broader changes in architecture and social life. In medieval Europe, most domestic life took place in a single large hall. Privacy, in the modern sense, was rare. Over time, however, homes — especially among wealthier households — began to develop specialized rooms branching off from that central space. One of these was the parlor: a smaller, more controlled environment for conversation, business, or receiving select visitors.
Early on, the parlor wasn’t always the front-and-center “best room” we tend to imagine today. In some regions, it functioned as a private chamber or even a bedroom tucked away from the main living area. Only later — by the 18th century and especially the 19th century — did it become firmly established as a formal reception room, often located at the front of the house.
That shift coincided with the rise of the middle class in Europe. As industrialization created new wealth, families increasingly sought to display their status through their homes — and specifically through rooms designed to be seen. By the Victorian era, the parlor had become a kind of stage set: a carefully curated space where the household presented its best self to the outside world.
At its most basic level, the parlor was for receiving guests. Social calls — brief, often highly ritualized visits — were a cornerstone of life in the 18th and 19th centuries, and the parlor provided the setting. Typically located just off the entryway, it allowed visitors to be entertained without granting them access to the more private (and perhaps messier) parts of the home.
But the parlor did much more than host polite conversation. It was also a showcase. By the Victorian era, parlors were often filled — sometimes to the point of excess — with decorative objects meant to signal taste, refinement, and, above all, prosperity. Mass production made a wide array of goods available, and families eagerly filled their parlors with items such as porcelain figurines, vases, mirrors, decorative plates, and framed photographs, as well as ferns in glass cases, taxidermied birds, Japanese fans, peacock feathers, ornate clocks, and richly upholstered furniture.
Much of this work fell to women, who were typically responsible for decorating and maintaining the parlor. Their choices helped define the household’s public image, turning the room into a carefully composed expression of identity and status. Critics at the time — notably sociologist Thorstein Veblen — described this as “conspicuous consumption,” a term Veblen coined in 1899. But for many families, it was simply part of participating in middle-class life.
The parlor wasn’t always a stiff or silent place, however. It was also a center of entertainment. Before the advent of radio and television, parlors hosted a wide range of activities, from amateur theatrical performances to music and games. Families gathered around the piano to sing or dance; guests acted out charades or participated in parlor games such as Sculptor, where players froze into dramatic tableaux. More energetic pastimes — such as Blind Man’s Buff, in which a blindfolded player tried to catch others — could turn the carefully arranged room into a site of chaos. Word games, riddles, and shadow plays offered quieter alternatives, combining amusement with displays of wit and education.
And the parlor’s uses extended even further. In the 19th century, it was not uncommon for families to lay out the dead in the parlor for wakes or viewings, allowing friends and relatives to pay their respects in the home itself. Over time, however, these practices began to shift. As noted in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History, changing middle-class ideas about death moved “a respectable burial from the family parlor to the funeral parlor,” unlinking mourning from the domestic space.
In all these ways — social, aesthetic, and even ritual — the parlor functioned as a kind of public-facing heart of the home.
By the early 20th century, the parlor began to lose its place in everyday life. Part of the problem was practicality. Parlors were often the most elaborately decorated rooms in a house, but also among the least used. Maintaining a space that existed primarily for occasional guests could feel wasteful, especially as ideas about home life shifted toward comfort and informality.
At the same time, social norms were changing. The rigid etiquette that governed formal visits began to fade, and families increasingly preferred spaces where they could relax rather than perform. The very qualities that had once made the parlor desirable — its formality, its separation from daily life — began to make it feel outdated.
In response, a new kind of room emerged: the living room. The name itself signaled a shift in priorities. Rather than a space reserved for appearances, the living room was designed for everyday use — a place to read, talk, and unwind. Later in the 20th century, additional informal spaces such as family rooms and rec rooms further blurred the boundaries between public and private life within the home.
The word “parlor” didn’t disappear entirely, but its meaning narrowed. It lingered in business names — ice cream parlors, beauty parlors, funeral parlors — where it retained its association with receiving the public in a designated space. In homes, however, it largely faded from use.
What remains is the idea behind it: that a room can be more than just a place to sit. For centuries, the parlor was where households performed their identity — where they spoke, displayed, entertained, and even mourned. Its disappearance marks not just a change in architecture, but a broader shift in how people think about privacy, status, and the meaning of home itself.
Secret societies have long shaped history from the shadows. Some groups have guarded spiritual truths, others operated underground to challenge political authority, and still others have connected powerful individuals across borders. While their aims vary, they share a structure: restricted membership, formal initiation, and closely guarded knowledge often revealed through a series of hierarchical ranks.
What these groups also share is a reliance on secrecy itself — not just as a tool, but as the foundation of their influence. Here’s a look at 10 secret societies that held remarkable power in their time.
For nearly 2,000 years, the Eleusinian Mysteries — a secretive religious tradition centered on the goddesses Demeter and Persephone — stood as the best-known and most enduring mystery cult in ancient Greece. Held at Eleusis, a town northwest of Athens, likely starting around 1600 BCE, the rites were open only to those who underwent a formal initiation that involved a strict vow of silence.
What initiates experienced during the Eleusinian rites remains one of history’s most tantalizing unknowns. Ancient sources agree that the ceremonies culminated in a dramatic nighttime ritual inside a grand hall known as the Telesterion, where participants went through a profound spiritual revelation — one so powerful, some claimed it erased their fear of death.
The Eleusinian Mysteries expanded across the Greek and later Roman worlds, attracting figures such as Plato, Socrates, and Cicero. Like later secret societies, it became an exclusive network whose initiates were bound by secrecy and promised personal transformation through hidden knowledge.
Founded around the sixth century BCE by the mathematician Pythagoras (of the famous theorem), the Pythagorean Brotherhood was both a philosophical school and a tightly controlled secret society. Based in southern Italy, its members lived communally, shared property, and adhered to strict rules — including long periods of silence for new initiates — while guarding their teachings from outsiders.
At the core of the Brotherhood was a radical idea: that numbers underpinned all reality. Mathematics wasn’t just a tool but a sacred key to understanding the universe. This idea was intertwined with beliefs in the immortality of the soul and reincarnation. Members pursued purification through study, discipline, and an almost monastic lifestyle that involved strict vegetarianism.
But the Brotherhood’s influence extended beyond philosophy. Ancient sources suggest it also pursued political power, embedding itself within elite circles and shaping civic life. Ultimately, that strategy provoked backlash. By the fifth century BCE, persecution and internal strife led to the Brotherhood’s collapse. Still, its ideas endured, profoundly shaping later thinkers including Plato and leaving a lasting imprint on Western thought.
Active in the 12th and 13th centuries, the Assassins were a secretive Shiite Islamic sect known for their targeted political killings and unwavering loyalty to their leader, Ḥasan-e Ṣabbāḥ (also known as the “Old Man of the Mountains”). Operating from mountain strongholds in Lebanon, they built influence not through armies but through fear, eliminating powerful enemies with precision.
Their name is the origin of the modern word “assassin,” though its exact roots are debated. It may derive from the Arabic term asāsīyūn (“the faithful”), later conflated with hashshāshīn — or “hashish users” — a label likely spread by enemies to discredit the group. Over time, the order’s real activities became entangled with dramatic stories, from drug-induced devotion to elaborate initiation rites — many of them recorded by outsiders and difficult to verify. Even so, the Assassins stand as an early example of a secret society wielding outsized political power through secrecy, discipline, and targeted violence.
Founded around 1118 during the Crusades, the Knights Templar were a Christian military order tasked with protecting pilgrims in the Holy Land. Unlike classic secret societies, they were a highly visible institution — sanctioned by the church and deeply embedded in medieval politics — but their internal rituals, hierarchy, and initiation practices were closely guarded.
As their power grew, so did their wealth. The Templars established one of Europe’s first international banking systems, allowing travelers to deposit funds in one location and withdraw them in another. Soon they controlled vast landholdings, lent money to monarchs, and answered only to the pope, giving them extraordinary autonomy.
That combination of secrecy, wealth, and independence made them both influential and suspect. In 1307, King Philip IV of France ordered their mass arrest, and under pressure, the papacy dissolved the order in 1312 — although their legend still lingers.
Formally established in 1717 with the creation of the first Grand Lodge in London (though their roots stretch much farther back), the Freemasons grew into one of the most expansive and influential secret societies in history. Evolving from medieval stonemasons’ guilds, the organization retained a structure of lodges, initiation rites, and closely guarded rituals that bound members together across borders.
In the American colonies and early United States, Freemasonry attracted an unusually high concentration of political leaders. Thirteen of the 39 signers of the Constitution were Masons, including George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, John Hancock, and Paul Revere. Lodges functioned as spaces where educated, well-connected figures exchanged ideas shaped by Enlightenment values — including constitutional government and republicanism.
Freemasons have long been linked, sometimes speculatively, to major political upheavals, including the American, Russian, and French revolutions. Whether or not they acted in concert, their real power lay in their network: a far-reaching, oath-bound fraternity that connected influential figures and helped circulate ideas that reshaped the modern world.
Formed in 1765 in response to British taxation, the Sons of Liberty were a secretive political organization that helped drive the American colonies toward revolution. Originating in Boston and quickly spreading across the colonies, the group operated through local cells, organizing protests, intimidation campaigns, and acts of resistance against royal authority.
Their most famous action came in 1773, when members carried out the Boston Tea Party, dumping 342 chests of British tea into the harbor in defiance of imperial control. But their influence extended far beyond a single protest. The Sons of Liberty coordinated opposition to the Stamp Act and other policies, mobilizing public sentiment and, at times, using violence to enforce boycotts and punish loyalists.
Though less formal than other secret societies, they shared key traits: selective membership, covert operations, and a shared ideological mission. In effect, they functioned as an underground political network — one that helped transform colonial unrest into organized revolution.Paul Revere, John Adams, Samuel Adams, and other important figures of the American Revolution were all members.
Founded in 1776 by the German law professor Adam Weishaupt, the Bavarian Illuminati was a short-lived but highly influential secret society rooted in Enlightenment ideals. Created in opposition to what Weishaupt saw as the oppressive influence of church and state, the order sought to promote reason, moral reform, and political change through a tightly controlled, hierarchical network.
Members were recruited from educated and elite circles — including academics, officials, and intellectuals — and organized into 13 graded levels of initiation, each revealing more of the group’s aims. Like the Freemasons (from which they took some of their members), the Illuminati relied on secrecy, coded identities, and internal discipline to bind its members and extend its reach across Europe.
Despite its rapid growth, the order lasted less than a decade. At its height around 1784, the Illuminati had around 2,000 to 3,000 members, including notable figures such as Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. But within a few years the Bavarian government had outlawed the secret society, and its leaders were arrested or dispersed.
Almost immediately after being outlawed, the Illuminati became the subject of conspiracy theories linking it to revolutions and global power — a reputation that has endured ever since.
Active in early-19th-century Italy, the Carbonari were a network of clandestine groups advocating liberal reform and national independence. Their name — meaning “charcoal burners” — hints at their use of coded language and ritual symbolism.
Emerging around the Napoleonic era, the Carbonari became the primary source of opposition to conservative regimes imposed after 1815. They organized revolts, most notably the 1820 uprising in Naples, and helped lay the groundwork for the Risorgimento, the movement that led to the unification of Italy.
Despite their influence, the Carbonari were never ideologically unified. Some members favored republicanism, others constitutional monarchy. Their origin remains murky — they were possibly linked to Freemasonry or earlier mutual-aid societies. What united them was structure: secret initiations, hierarchical ranks, and a decentralized network capable of mobilizing dissent across the peninsula.
Founded at Yale University in 1832, Skull and Bones is one of the most famous collegiate secret societies in the United States, and one of the most exclusive. Each year, a small group of seniors is selected for initiation, joining a tightly knit network whose rituals and inner workings remain largely hidden from outsiders.
What sets Skull and Bones apart is not its size but its influence. Its membership has included Presidents William Howard Taft, George H.W. Bush, and George W. Bush, along with senators, judges, financiers, and intelligence officials. The society has long been seen as a pipeline into positions of power, with connections formed at Yale extending into the highest levels of American political and economic life.
While many details about its activities are speculative, its structure — selective membership, lifelong loyalty, and secrecy — places it firmly in the tradition of elite secret societies whose power lies in who they connect.
The Bohemian Club, founded in San Francisco in 1872, began as a gathering of writers, artists, and journalists but quickly evolved into an exclusive enclave for the wealthy and powerful. Its members — including presidents, business leaders, and cultural figures — meet privately throughout the year, most notably at the annual summer retreat at Bohemian Grove in California’s redwood forest.
There, members don robes, stage theatrical ceremonies, and socialize far from public scrutiny. The most famous ritual is the “Cremation of Care” ceremony, a musical drama held in front of a concrete owl. While the club insists these traditions are merely playful, the secrecy surrounding the gatherings — and the prominence of those who attend — has fueled decades of speculation.
More than a conventional secret society, the Bohemian Club is a rarefied social network where influence and access converge. Its power lies less in ideology than in proximity: a private space where some of the world’s most powerful figures can meet off the record.
If you’ve been to a traditional (or somewhat traditional) Christian wedding recently, you may have noticed that the bride generally stands on the left and the groom on the right during the ceremony. If somewhere between the vows and the bouquet toss you found yourself wondering about the “why” behind that arrangement, you’re not alone. So how did this tradition emerge?
A quick scan of the internet will show you that most explanations for this custom center on the idea of “marriage by capture.” The idea is that in centuries past, men would abduct women to be their brides, either in secret or by slaying the woman’s family. This is said to affect the standing positions during the matrimonial ceremony because grooms needed to keep their sword hand — their dominant hand — free in case anyone came to try to take the bride back. Because most men are right-handed, standing on the right meant that the left hand could be free for wedding duties while the right hand would be ready to pull out a sword if there was trouble.
As swashbuckling and dramatic as that may sound, there’s little evidence to support this theory, and also little evidence that marriage by capture was ever a common occurrence in Europe. Marriage by capture probably did happen on occasion — it’s mentioned in Greek mythology, the Bible, and ancient Hindu legal texts. But if it seems like an unworkable way to conduct society at large, that’s because it is.
The idea of marriage by capture was notably championed by Scottish lawyer and ethnologist John Ferguson McLennan in his 1865 book Primitive Marriage. However, more recent historians and anthropologists have noted that McLennan made no distinction between the ritualized mock battles that take place in a number of cultures before marriage and actual abduction.
Other explanations highlight the sword hand idea but don’t directly tie it to the capture theory. Instead, the groom having his sword hand free was meant to be a general boon to the bride’s protection, in case of impending duels from jilted lovers and the like. But this too lacks evidence. In fact, the sword hand theory seems to have emerged as part of a 19th-century fascination for explaining customs (wedding and otherwise) with reference to a rough, barbaric past, even when actual evidence is thin.
So why does the bride usually stand on the left in Christian weddings? Like many traditions, it probably arose for a bunch of different reasons, rather than one clear one. Wedding customs vary a lot by religion and region, and the standing arrangement isn’t consistent.
In some regions and eras the bride stood on the right instead. (That’s the case in today’s Jewish weddings.) The practice of standing on the left likely arose in Christian Europe thanks to some combination of liturgical symbolism (the right side is associated with honor and authority in Christian tradition) and the practicalities of ritual (the groom sometimes needed to use his right hand to receive the bride from her father or place the ring).
By the 19th century, Western wedding positioning — and many other customs — had become standardized in etiquette manuals. By that time, the original reasons for the custom were unclear.
Today, however, etiquette experts say the people getting married should feel free to stand on whichever side they like. Factors to consider include whether the sun might get in your eyes, showing off your good side, and facing your side of the family (if seating arrangements are split down the aisle). Thankfully, you probably won’t have to worry about which hand can more easily grab your sword.
In 1888, Sears, Roebuck and Co. distributed its first mail-order catalog to U.S. households, a thin booklet that sold only watches and jewelry. But by the early 1900s, the Chicago-based business had greatly expanded its inventory, offering a world of goods that some rural Americans had never even laid eyes on.
The Sears catalog became a go-to for one-stop shopping: Everything from clothing and furniture to tools and toys and even full house-building kits could be ordered and delivered right to doorsteps across the country. But tucked between these practical items were some truly strange and surprising products. Here’s a look at some of the oddest things the Sears catalog had on offer.
In the early 20th century, electric belts were marketed as medical marvels, promising to cure everything from fatigue and hernias to glaucoma and indigestion. The fall 1902 Sears catalog featured the Heidelberg Electric Belt, a deluxe model that boldly claimed to be the “cure of […] all diseases, disorders and weaknesses peculiar to men, no matter from what cause or how long standing” — quite the claim for just $18 (about $680 today).
Customers strapped metal plates connected to small batteries around their waists or limbs, hoping for a restorative jolt. Medical evidence on the belt’s effectiveness was nonexistent, but the device certainly captured the era’s fascination with so-called cure-alls.
Sears didn’t just sell the necessities of life — it also offered items for the afterlife. In 1906, the company published a special catalog offering a variety of gravestones in marble and granite; pricing varied by material, size, and messages engraved in the stone.
All headstones were customizable, but Sears also offered a convenient list of pre-chosen epitaphs and their accompanying prices. “Gone, but not forgotten,” for instance, cost $1.14 (about $40) today. Sears prided itself on customer testimonials, boasting that for a fraction of the cost of a funeral home’s services it delivered “the finest stone in the cemetery.”
Sears was no stranger to selling and shipping live animals. Common pets such as dogs, birds, and fish appeared frequently in its pages from the mid-1950s to the mid-’60s, as did animals such as baby chicks and chickens for farm life. More surprising, however, were the shipments of bees.
Through Sears’ “Farm and Ranch” catalog editions, customers could order specialty “Italian” or “Midnite” bees by the package, with a shipment containing upwards of 6,000 bees including a queen. For those unsure what to do once their buzzing box arrived, Sears also sold beekeeping guides and protective veils.
Heroin was sold legally in the U.S. in the early 1900s, primarily as a treatment for the morphine addiction that proliferated following the Civil War. For just $1.50 (around $60 today), customers could have two vials of heroin, a syringe, two needles, and a handy carrying case delivered to their door.
The catalog also offered an array of other curious remedies from the time: nerve pills, “worm syrup” for children, pills for pale complexions, and other treatments now considered dangerous or pseudoscientific.
Sears catalogs catered to the practical needs of rural life, including the sometimes gritty job of taking care of animals. Wolf teeth extractors, designed to remove the small, sharp “wolf teeth” in horses, were part of a broader selection of veterinary tools. Alongside them, customers could easily order castrating knives, worm powders, poultry markers, and other specialized equipment that would make most modern retail consumers wince.
Fur trapping remained a legitimate profession in early America, and Sears catalogs supplied the necessary wares. Otter traps were typically made of steel and were spring-loaded — just the thing that rural customers needed for trapping fur, food, or even just for pest control.
In the early 1920s, Sears went a step further and began buying furs from its customers to sell in its own “Sears Tips to Trappers” catalog and at its fur show. The company ran the fur business until the late 1950s, when its focus shifted from the rural market to its burgeoning urban customer base.
Before we knew its health hazards, asbestos was hailed as a miracle material thanks to its durability and fire resistance. Sears offered not only asbestos-based siding, roof coatings, and tiles to homeowners, but also — alarmingly — cooking tools. Asbestos-lined and coated omelet pans, stove linings, stove mats, and toasters were all featured in a 1902 catalog. It wasn’t until the 1980s that asbestos’ possible health hazards were fully understood and the material was no longer used in American homes.
The Sears catalog wasn’t just about goods — it also offered educational opportunities that its rural customers may not have otherwise had access to. In the fall 1907 catalog, a six-month bookkeeping course was offered for the low price of just $5. The course included about 20 different ledgers, journals, and balance sheet books totaling 7 pounds of materials, as well as free penmanship instruction — at about $173 today, that’s still a bargain.
Without context, a 100-pound bag of crushed oyster shells seems like one of the most bizarre items a catalog could offer. So what was it for? Poultry feed. Chickens — more specifically, laying hens — require a lot of calcium to ensure they lay strong, healthy eggs. Crushed oyster shells served as an important dietary supplement for the farm animals, as a natural source of slow-release calcium that, today, commercial pet food companies incorporate right into their products.
Inspired by Turkish hammam traditions, Sears brought some soothing heat to the home with its vapor bath cabinets. These wooden or metal enclosures allowed users to sit inside while steam circulated around the body; only the head was left exposed. Sears claimed that its vapor baths could “free the skin and tissues of the poisons that clog and injure the system,” a sentiment shared by the era’s belief in steam as a therapeutic tool. At a time when Victorian bathhouses and steam treatments were still quite popular, these cabinets offered a way to recreate the experience at home — no overseas spa-town visit required.
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