Eating utensils can feel ancient and inevitable, as though humans have always gathered around tables set with forks, knives, and spoons. But for a long time, that wasn’t the case at all. Forks — today’s cutlery MVP — were once rare, controversial, and even mocked as unmanly. For most of human history (and in many parts of the world today), eating with your hands was normal.
The shift away from hands-on eating in the West didn’t happen all at once. Instead, it unfolded gradually over centuries, shaped by changing dining customs, new utensils, and evolving ideas about etiquette.
Humans have used eating tools for tens of thousands of years. Prehistoric people likely scooped liquids with shells, hollowed wood, or animal horns, while sharpened stones and bones helped cut food when needed. Spoons are especially ancient: The Anglo-Saxon word spon referred to a chip of wood, while Greek and Latin words for “spoon” were derived from the word “cochlea,” a type of spiral shell, suggesting what some early versions of the utensil may have looked like. Ancient Egyptians employed spoons carved from wood, ivory, and gold.
Knives, meanwhile, served many purposes beyond dining. In both ancient and medieval societies, they were tools, weapons, and eating utensils all at once. Guests often carried personal knives to meals, especially in medieval Europe.
But even with those tools available, most food was still eaten directly with the hands in ancient and medieval Europe. The Romans, for instance, reclined on couches while dining and used their fingers for much of the meal. Forks were virtually unknown at Roman tables, and spoons were used mainly for liquids or soft foods.
In the Middle Ages, bread acted as its own utensil. Europeans of the era generally ate meat and vegetables off thick rounds of stale bread called trenchers (think early bread bowls). Some sources suggest the trenchers were given to the poor after the meal.
Of all the eating utensils, forks had perhaps the most difficult path to acceptance. Although two-pronged forks existed in ancient Greece and Rome, they were mostly cooking tools used to handle hot food. Smaller forks for eating first spread among wealthy elites in the Byzantine Empire and the Middle East.
One of the most famous European fork controversies took place in Venice in 1004. Maria Argyropoulina, a Byzantine noblewoman marrying into a Venetian family, reportedly used delicate golden forks at her wedding feast. According to later accounts, scandalized Venetians considered the utensil decadent and unnatural. One critic supposedly complained that God had already provided humans with “natural forks” — fingers. When Maria died of the plague a few years later, some religious figures interpreted her death as punishment for vanity.
Even centuries later, forks retained an air of pretension in parts of Europe. In Renaissance Italy, they slowly gained popularity among the wealthy, and Catherine de’ Medici helped introduce fashionable fork use to France after marrying the future King Henry II in 1533. But elsewhere, many diners remained skeptical.
Around the early 1600s, English traveler Thomas Coryat returned from Italy enthusiastically describing forks he had encountered abroad. His friends mocked him relentlessly, nicknaming him “Furcifer” (Latin for “fork-bearer”). To many English people, forks seemed fussy, foreign, and faintly effeminate. That reputation lingered for a surprisingly long time. Some historians note that British sailors were still refusing to use forks around 1900 because they considered them unmanly.
Medieval meals were deeply communal: People shared dishes, serving vessels, and sometimes knives or spoons. But beginning around the 17th century, European dining gradually became more formal and more individualized. Guests increasingly received their own plates, cutlery, and designated place settings.
As etiquette grew more elaborate, forks became increasingly useful — and increasingly expected. By the 18th century, forks were making inroads with wealthy Europeans, and by the 19th century, eating with your hands at formal meals was considered improper except for a few approved foods (such as bread or olives).
Victorian culture then took dining etiquette to remarkable extremes. Wealthy households accumulated specialized utensils for nearly every imaginable dish: fish knives, asparagus tongs, snail forks, tomato servers, and chocolate muddlers, to name just a few. Some upper-class cutlery sets approached 100 separate pieces.
But since then, flatware sets have been shrinking. Modern diners use far fewer utensils than their Victorian predecessors, partly because elaborate formal dining has declined — and partly because few people want to polish dozens of specialty forks.
Most of the World Never Stopped Eating With Their Hands
Even as forks became standard in Europe and North America, many cultures continued eating with hands or chopsticks. Chopsticks had already been used in China for thousands of years before forks became widespread in the West. Originally developed for cooking, they later became everyday eating tools across East Asia.
Meanwhile, in India, Sri Lanka, parts of the Middle East, Africa, and elsewhere, eating with the hands remains both ordinary and highly sophisticated. Different regions developed their own techniques and etiquette around handling food properly — from shaping rice with the fingertips to avoiding the use of the left hand (which is associated with bathroom use in some parts of the world).
And even in the modern West, people never entirely abandoned eating with their hands. Pizza, burgers, tacos, sandwiches, french fries, and fried chicken are all commonly eaten without utensils. In other words, some of the world’s most popular foods still rely on the oldest eating tools humans have ever had: what’s on the end of our arms.
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Depression-Era Homemakers Swore by These Kitchen Tricks
The typical kitchen in 1930s America didn’t have high-tech appliances or convenience foods, but it was filled with ingenuity. During the Great Depression, when money was scarce and waste wasn’t an option, homemakers became experts at stretching every dollar — and every ingredient — as far as it could possibly go.
Even as the economy began to recover in the early 1940s, frugality remained essential, reinforced by wartime rationing and shortages. Meals had to be filling, affordable, and built from whatever was on hand, which often wasn’t much.
For many families, these habits didn’t disappear when times improved — they were passed down to the next generation. You might remember a parent or grandparent saving bacon grease in a tin or creating a meal from the previous day’s leftovers. These were hard-earned skills shaped by necessity. And many of these kitchen tricks feel practical and surprisingly modern, even now.
Meat was one of the most expensive items in a Depression-era household budget, so homemakers learned early on that it couldn’t be the centerpiece of every meal. Instead of serving whole cuts, they stretched small amounts of ground meat with inexpensive fillers including oats, breadcrumbs, cracker crumbs, cooked rice, or even grated vegetables such as carrots and onions.
A typical meatloaf might contain as much filler as meat — sometimes more — but seasoning made it taste just as hearty and satisfying. This approach carried over into a wide range of dishes, such as casseroles bulked up with pasta or potatoes and hash made from finely chopped leftovers. Even a small portion of roast meat could be diced and stirred into gravy or sauce, allowing it to flavor an entire dish. The goal wasn’t to disguise the lack of meat, but to make sure everyone at the table left full.
In many ways, this strategy reshaped how meals were built. Rather than centering a dish around protein, cooks focused on combining textures and flavors to create something filling from modest ingredients. It’s a technique that still shows up today, especially in budget-conscious or plant-forward cooking.
Wasting food wasn’t even a consideration during the Depression because every scrap had potential. Bones from roasts or poultry were saved and boiled for broth, sometimes more than once, extracting every bit of flavor before being discarded. Vegetable scraps such as onion skins, celery ends, and carrot peels were saved and added to stockpots, creating a rich base for soups and stews.
Stale bread became French toast or bread pudding, or was dried and crushed into breadcrumbs for future use. Vegetables that were wilted or soft were added to soups, and overripe fruit could be cooked down into sauces or preserves. What couldn’t be used immediately was often repurposed in another form.
Fat, in particular, was treated as a valuable resource. Bacon grease, chicken fat, and drippings from cooked meat were saved in tins and jars and reused for frying, baking, or flavoring vegetables. Coffee grounds were often brewed a second time for a weaker pot, then dried and used as a mild abrasive for scrubbing. This kind of frugality helped get the most out of everything that came into the kitchen.
For Depression-era homemakers, efficiency was as important as thrift. One-pot meals were the go-to because they minimized fuel use, reduced cleanup, and made it easier to stretch ingredients into something substantial and filling that could last all week.
Soups, stews, and skillet meals allowed homemakers to build layers of flavor over time. Tough, inexpensive cuts of meat could simmer for hours until tender, while potatoes, beans, or dumplings helped bulk up the dish. Ingredients were often added in stages, depending on what needed to cook longer and what could be stirred in at the end.
These meals were also highly adaptable. Leftovers from previous days were frequently added to the pot, changing yesterday’s roast or vegetables into something entirely new. A stew might evolve over several days, with each reheating thickening the broth and deepening the flavor. It was a flexible, forgiving way of cooking that ensured that nothing went to waste.
With fresh ingredients sometimes hard to come by, pantry staples became the foundation of daily cooking. Beans, lentils, and grains such as barley or cornmeal were affordable, filling, and had a long shelf life.
Dried beans were often soaked overnight to reduce cooking time and conserve fuel, then simmered into soups or served as a main dish. Cornmeal could be transformed into everything from soft mush to crisp fried cakes or cornbread. Barley added heartiness to soups, while rice stretched meals and absorbed flavors from whatever it was cooked with. Leftovers were transformed into endless options. Cooked grains might be reheated, fried, or mixed with other ingredients to create a completely different dish the next day.
Whenever possible, families supplemented their kitchens by growing their own food, a tradition that continued after the Depression as World War II “victory gardens” gained popularity. Backyard gardens provided vegetables such as beans, potatoes, cabbage, and tomatoes, while herbs added flavor without added cost. Neighbors could trade seeds, plants, and harvested vegetables, and even a small plot could make a difference to a household’s food budget.
Foraging also played a role, especially in rural areas. Wild berries, greens, and nuts were gathered when available, adding variety to otherwise simple meals. What couldn’t be used right away was preserved for later.
Canning, pickling, and drying were essential skills. Fruits and vegetables were stored in jars to last through the winter, while surplus harvests were turned into jams, relishes, or shelf-stable staples. These methods allowed families to make the most of what they had when it was available and ensured they would have something later, when it wasn’t.
When key ingredients weren’t available, homemakers adapted. Creative substitutions became a defining feature of Depression-era cooking, particularly in baking. Cakes were made without eggs, milk, or butter, using pantry staples such as flour, sugar, cocoa, oil, vinegar, and baking soda. These “wacky cakes” were often mixed directly in the pan, cutting down on both ingredients and cleanup, and still produced moist, flavorful results.
There were also “mock” recipes designed to mimic the taste and texture of more expensive dishes. Mock apple pie was made from crackers, sugar, cinnamon, and lemon, while mock cherry pie substituted cranberries or raisins for cherries. Other recipe variations included mock cream, a whipped cream substitute that used egg whites and gelatin; baked fake steak made from ground beef; and even mock chicken made from a tomato and egg, because it was more practical to keep chickens for eggs than to use them for meat.
These recipes are still shared today for their novelty, but they highlight the culinary problem-solving of homemakers who wanted to feed their families well but didn’t necessarily have the resources to do it.
Credit: Detroit Publishing Company/Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. ( LC-D4-13756)
Author Tony Dunnell
May 14, 2026
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We’ve all seen the version of cowboys that Hollywood likes to show us, but the Western film genre has always been rife with myths. In reality, cowboys were rarely the dashing gunslingers of legend; instead, they were poorly paid laborers engaged in difficult and dirty work, whether it was helping out with the daily chores on someone else’s ranch or embarking upon grueling, monthslong cattle drives.
From the 1860s to the 1890s, these great cattle drives helped define the American West. And for the cowhands hired to drive tens of thousands of cattle across hundreds of miles of open country, one thing was key to survival: food. Meals on the trail had to be portable, nonperishable, and quick and easy to cook. Cowboy cuisine was far from glamorous, but it kept everyone alive — a repetitive, high-calorie diet designed for survival and portability rather than pleasure. With that in mind, here are some of the foods that fueled the American frontier.
Mel Brooks’ 1974 comedy movie Blazing Saddles may have taken a few liberties with historical veracity, but it did get one thing right: Cowboys ate a lot of beans. Beans were the champions of trail food, and cowboys ate them every day. It was a practical option, as beans were readily available, easy to store and transport, and simple to prepare in one pot. Pinto beans were the most common variety, often slow-cooked with salt pork, and perhaps some chiles, for flavor. Cowboys had a variety of colorful nicknames for beans, including “whistle berries” and “Mexican strawberries.”
Meals on the trail were prepared in what was known as a chuckwagon — essentially a horse-drawn mobile kitchen, often nicknamed the “cookie.” The cook normally had one essential that was always being cared for: a sourdough starter of flour and water that was used for making sourdough biscuits and bread. Cooked in a Dutch oven placed directly over the campfire, sourdough biscuits were a hearty staple of the cowboy diet. With their sturdy consistency and slightly tangy flavor, they were a perfect accompaniment to beans and gravy.
Despite being surrounded by hundreds of cattle, cowboys rarely ate fresh beef from the herd (unless an animal was sick or injured and could no longer be driven). Instead, smoked jerky was the most common way to consume beef, because it was easy to carry, lasted much longer than fresh meat, and could easily be added to stews. Cowboys preserved their beef by turning it into jerky using a variety of methods, including sun drying, smoking, and salting. Cowboys did hunt fresh game along the trail, but beef jerky ensured that meat was always on hand.
Salt pork — pork that is heavily salted to preserve the meat — was prized for its very long shelf life. Unlike jerky, salt pork couldn’t be consumed directly and had to be soaked in water to reduce the salt content before cooking. Cowboys also ate a lot of bacon, especially for breakfast, but it was nothing like the thin-sliced variety found today. It was typically “sowbelly” — pork fat from the belly (and sometimes the back and sides) of the pig, heavily cured with salt.
Dried fruits offered much-needed sweetness on the trail, and most chuckwagons had some in supply. Apples were the most common dried fruit, but apricots, cherries, peaches, raisins, and prunes also made an appearance, largely depending on what fresh fruit was available in the region.
As well as breaking up the monotony of all the savory staples, preserved fruits contained essential vitamins that helped keep cowboys relatively healthy on the trail. Fresh fruits, such as berries encountered along the route, were always a welcome discovery, but dried fruits offered a more dependable and long-lasting supply.
Hardtack has been a survival staple for centuries, feeding soldiers, sailors, explorers, and adventurers in many extreme situations. It’s basically a dense, dry cracker, made from flour and small amounts of water, that can last for months (or even years) without spoiling. Hardtack was a common ration for soldiers during the Civil War and was then adopted by cowboys on the trail. While almost inedible on its own, it provided a quick and easy snack when dunked in coffee, crumbled into stew, or soaked in water and fried in bacon fat.
Along with beans, potatoes and onions were among the most common vegetables in a cowboy’s diet. Durable, filling, and easy to store, they added texture and flavor to what could otherwise be very bland cooking. Both were added to stews and mixed in with beans, and potatoes were often fried in bacon grease.
Canned goods were considered a genuine luxury on the trail, being both heavy and expensive. But a well-prepared chuckwagon might have some canned items — known as “air tights” — in stock, such as canned peaches or tomatoes, which would have been highly prized by any cowboy. Canned tomatoes were a thirst-quencher and contained some much-needed sugar, and the acidity helped to counter the gypsum found in most river water (which cowboys would often drink untreated). Opening a can of peaches, meanwhile, was the ultimate morale booster — and about as close to luxury as a cowboy could get while making their way across the frontier.
On the night of Sunday, April 14, 1912, the RMS Titanic was sailing through the North Atlantic on its maiden voyage from Southampton, England, to New York City. Most passengers and crew had no idea that within hours, the ship would strike an iceberg and descend into one of the most famous maritime disasters in history.
At the time of its launch, the Titanic epitomized the height of ocean liner engineering and luxury; it was well equipped to feed its more than 2,200 passengers and crew for the approximately weeklong transatlantic crossing. The food served varied depending on class, from French-influenced fine dining to hearty dishes meant to sustain passengers during the voyage. Based on surviving menus and other archival documentation, here’s what we know about how passengers dined on the night the Titanic sank.
First-class passengers were served an elaborate multicourse dinner that reflected the peak of Edwardian fine dining. A surviving dinner menu from April 14, 1912, preserved in the Royal Museums Greenwich collection, was further explored by journalist Dana McCauley’s book Last Dinner on the Titanic: Menus and Recipes From the Great Liner, giving us a clear idea of how passengers spent this ill-fated evening.
The first-class dinner began with a selection of light starters and soups, including hors d’oeuvre varies (assorted appetizers), oysters, consommé Olga (a clear beef broth finished with julienned vegetables and a splash of port wine), and cream of barley. The fish course followed, featuring salmon with a buttery mousseline sauce and cucumber.
Next were the more substantial entrées, and they offered a range of choices: filet mignon Lili (beef fillet medallions in a rich sauce), sauté of chicken Lyonnaise (pan-fried chicken and onions in a French-style sauce), vegetable marrow farci (a stuffed squash dish), lamb with mint sauce, roast duckling with apple sauce, and beef sirloin and potatoes served up château style.
There were also a series of side dishes, including green peas, creamed carrots, boiled rice, and parmentier and boiled new potatoes for both crispy and soft potato options.
The meal then transitioned into a series of lighter and cold dishes typical of French haute cuisine. These included punch romaine (a chilled citrus-based drink) and roast squab (pigeon considered a delicacy) with cress, cold asparagus vinaigrette, pâté de foie gras, and celery.
Finally — if there was any room for dessert — the dinner concluded with an extensive sweets selection: Waldorf pudding, peaches in Chartreuse jelly, chocolate and vanilla éclairs, and French ice cream.
Compared to the elaborate French dining of first class, second-class passengers were served a more traditional British-style meal. While simpler in selection, the menu, preserved by Royal Museums Greenwich, still consisted of multiple varied and substantial courses.
The meal began with consommé tapioca, a light soup slightly thickened with tapioca pearls. The fish course followed, featuring baked haddock with sharp sauce (a tangy reduction), then a series of main dishes influenced by familiar British fare: curried chicken and rice, spring lamb with mint sauce, and roast turkey with cranberry sauce.
As in first class, the mains were served with vegetables and starches, including green peas, pureed turnips, boiled rice, and both boiled and roast potatoes. The meal then moved into desserts and sweets, with wine jelly and plum pudding, followed by coconut sandwich cookies and American ice cream.
Second-class passengers were also offered a selection of nuts, fresh fruit, cheese, biscuits, and coffee to round out — and close out — the meal.
Unlike menus for the dining rooms of the upper classes, third-class menus from the Titanic are a rarity in surviving archival materials. What is known about the final meal in steerage comes primarily from the White Star Line, the company that operated the Titanic. Its provisioning records, as well as later historical reconstructions, serve as the best blueprint for this historic meal.
As noted in Last Dinner on the Titanic, the final scheduled meal for third-class passengers was high tea rather than a formal dinner service. (In keeping with working-class British traditions of the period, the main Sunday meal was generally served at midday rather than in the evening.)
In contrast to afternoon tea, high tea was a more substantial savory meal eaten with cutlery. White Star Line provisioning plans indicate that third-class passengers would likely have had a final meal consisting of ragout of beef with potatoes and pickles, stewed fruit, fresh bread and butter, currant buns, and tea. Though far simpler than the lavish multicourse meals served upstairs, the spread was still considered hearty and respectable for the working-class travelers on the ill-fated ship.
Before grocery store shelves became a veritable rainbow of products, many foods looked very different. For most of human history, food got its color from natural plant pigments, what animals ate, and how foods were processed. That began to change in the 19th century with the rise of industrial food production as well as early synthetic dyes, many of which were derived from coal tar byproducts.
Once introduced, food colorants spread quickly. They changed not only how food looked, but also what consumers came to expect. By the early 20th century, food coloring was here to stay, and what we now think of as normal food hues are often anything but natural. Here’s a peek at what seven familiar foods used to look like before modern coloring punched them up.
A brick of bright orange cheddar cheese is a household staple for many, but real cheddar wasn’t originally orange at all. The color we now associate with the cheese began as a marketing trick in 17th-century England, when cheesemakers started adding plant-based dyes.
At the time, farmers were skimming fatty cream off the top of milk to sell separately, leaving behind lower-fat milk that produced paler cheese. The golden hue of traditional cheddar came from the beta-carotene in the grass the cows ate; because that was carried in the milk’s fat, the color disappeared when the fat was skimmed off. Adding color with saffron, marigold, annatto, and even carrot juice helped mask the difference.
The practice made its way to North America and in some cases became even more exaggerated. By the 19th century, some producers were even adding lead chromate to intensify cheddar’s orange color and make lower-quality cheese look more desirable. This was part of a broader era of food adulteration, when appearance mattered more than safety. Today, most orange cheddar still gets its color from annatto and not from aging or flavor — but, thankfully, not from lead either.
Wild salmon owe their vibrant pink-orange color to their diet, specifically carotenoids from krill and other small crustaceans they eat. Farmed salmon, meanwhile, are raised on manufactured feed in ocean net pens and thus don’t naturally consume these foods. Without intervention, their flesh would be a rather unappealing dull grayish color — not exactly the first thing you’d reach for when shopping for dinner.
Salmon’s appearance became important as farmed salmon moved from experimental aquaculture into grocery stores in the late 20th century. Customers, it turns out, were willing to pay more depending on the color of the cut, and so farmers began adding astaxanthin, a naturally occurring carotenoid pigment found in the food wild salmon eat, to their fish feed.
Much of this pigment supply was industrialized and scaled by companies such as DSM, a Swiss-Dutch chemical company. In the late 1980s, DSM (formerly Royal DSM) even introduced the SalmoFan, a color chart resembling a paint swatch, allowing farmers to select the exact shade of pink they wanted their salmon to be — a practice that continues today.
Contrary to what the name suggests, oranges are sometimes not orange at all. When they grow in tropical climates such as southern Florida, high temperatures prevent chlorophyll breakdown in the peel. This leaves the peel a patchy green, even if it’s perfectly ripe. As U.S. citrus production expanded in the early 20th century, oranges from California — where cooler nights naturally encouraged a brighter peel — helped shape consumer expectations by promoting perfectly orange-colored fruit through advertising and packaging.
Florida growers had to compete. In the 1930s, they began using dyes such as Citrus Red No. 2, applying it to the peel and giving the fruit a brighter color. The practice continues today, but as the U.S. government plans to phase out Citrus Red No. 2 dye, growers may need to rely on another method: exposing the oranges to ethylene gas in degreening rooms.
In the early 20th century, concerns over food adulteration led to the 1906 Pure Food and Drug Act, enforcing closer scrutiny of synthetic additives. This included early versions of food coloring such as toxic and synthetic coal-byproduct dyes. At the time, maraschino cherries had already been transformed from preserved Adriatic fruit into a heavily processed product. They were often preserved in sulfur or chemical brine solutions, then rehydrated in sugar syrup, artificially flavored with vanilla or almond, and finally dyed a vivid red using aniline dyes — one of the toxic coal-tar dyes.
So did consumers have to suffer with what The New York Times described as “sickly yellow” maraschino cherries after the Pure Food law? Not exactly. As certain coal-tar dyes fell out of favor, foods were able to get that bright, artificial color through an evolving roster of government-approved synthetic reds.
There’s not much better than a pat of golden-yellow butter on fresh bread, but the rich dairy product didn’t always look like what we expect today. That’s largely because butter’s natural hue comes from beta-carotene in the fresh grass that cows eat, which shows up in their milk. Butter made in spring and summer, when cows grazed on pasture, was naturally deeper yellow, while winter butter, made from hay-fed herds, often turned noticeably pale.
Seasonal variation lessened once cows left the pasture and entered the industrial dairy era in the second half of the 1800s. So, producers started standardizing color, most commonly with plant-based additives such as annatto, creating a more uniform yellow year-round.
By the late 19th century, the focus on color intensified during the so-called “butter wars” as margarine emerged as a cheap competitor. Margarine was often dyed to resemble butter, prompting legislation in parts of North America that restricted its coloring — or even forced it to be a different color entirely, such as pink. In response, butter producers leaned even more heavily into a consistent golden-yellow hue year-round as a marker of reliability and authenticity.
Before modern additives, processed meat products looked far duller than the vibrant reds and pinks we see today. Fresh meat can appear bright red at first, thanks to oxygen binding to myoglobin, a protein found in muscle. But as oxygen decreases, the pigment changes again and leaves meat a brownish-gray that gives the appearance of spoilage.
That’s partly why producers began using curing agents long before synthetic dyes entered the picture. Early curing relied on naturally occurring nitrates in salt (often called saltpeter), which was widely used for preserving meats. Over time, it was discovered that these compounds convert into nitrites, which interact with myoglobin to form a stable, heat-resistant pigment that keeps it the familiar pinkish-red color seen in bacon or sausages. (It also helped inhibit bacterial growth.) Synthetic dyes, of course, were eventually used, too, such as the once-common Red No. 2 or Red No. 3, creating the vivid reds seen in some regional hot dogs such as Maine’s famed red hot dogs.
Ancient winemakers sometimes used herbs or minerals to preserve and enhance the appearance of their wines. Modern winemakers can color their wine, too: Since the 1970s, a concentrated grape-juice-based additive known as Mega Purple has regularly been used in some mass-produced wines to deepen colors, improve taste, and standardize quality across batches. Lighter-skinned grape varieties, cooler growing seasons, early harvesting, or fermentation hiccups can make some reds paler, and Mega Purple can help round this out.
Mega Purple isn’t the only coloring tool in winemakers’ kits. Some food-grade additives used in the broader food industry, such as FD&C Yellow No. 5, cochineal extract, and carmine, sometimes show up in wine in order to meet consumer expectations.
We rarely give a second thought to adding a splash of milk to our morning coffee or cereal, but for most of human history, drinking another species’ milk was unusual. Humans couldn’t easily digest animal milk, and species that could reliably supply it were undomesticated. So when — and why — did that change?
Researchers agree that pinpointing the exact time and place humans began drinking cow’s milk is difficult, but there are some clear milestones. Around 10,000 BCE, humans in the hilly landscapes around modern-day Turkey were evolving from a hunter-gatherer lifestyle to agricultural communities. Part of this transition was the domestication of animals, starting with sheep and goats, and later, around 8000 to 7500 BCE, cattle. Domestication made it easier to manage these animals for meat, hides, and eventually, milk.
Much of what we know about early dairying comes from residues in pottery. Lipid analysis has revealed animal milk fats embedded in shards from the Neolithic Period, roughly 7,000 to 9,000 years ago. Milk was also sometimes mixed with grains, suggesting it was at least incorporated into meals, if not consumed on its own. And as historian Deborah Valenze wrote in 2011’s Milk: A Local and Global History, it’s possible this residue could also have indicated a religious ritual or ceremony rather than consumption.
It was dental research, not pottery, that offered scientists the first direct proof that humans consumed cow’s milk. In 2019, researchers at England’s University of York analyzed hardened plaque from Neolithic humans in Britain and found evidence that they consumed milk from cows, sheep, and goats around 6,000 years ago. Other similar studies traced milk consumption through the Bronze Age around 3000 BCE.
Most Neolithic people were, however, lactose intolerant; drinking fresh milk could cause severe stomach issues and illness. So researchers believe the dairy traces may have been from cheese or yogurt, which contain less lactose than fresh milk. Young children naturally produce lactase (the enzyme that breaks down lactose) for several years after weaning from breast milk, so it’s also possible that fresh milk served as an important, calorie-dense food for early childhood survival in early farming communities.
So, did adults also drink fresh cow’s milk? Based on human genetic patterns, researchers think it’s likely. Genetic mutations that allowed adults to digest lactose — called lactase persistence — began appearing around 8,000 years ago, likely because some populations were already drinking fresh milk. The mutations spread most rapidly in Northern Europe, where shorter growing seasons would have made milk a regular and reliable source of calories, protein, and hydration. Cows, in particular, produced higher yields than other domesticated animals, and in regions with cooler climates, milk could stay fresh and more suitable for drinking for longer than it did in warmer regions.
Drinking milk wasn’t just a dietary change — it was part of a much larger shift in human history. Studies show that populations with high milk consumption tended to be taller and heavier, and those who could digest lactose were more likely to survive famines or seasonal crop shortages, giving them an evolutionary edge. Still, the ability to comfortably drink fresh milk as an adult was the exception, not the rule, for thousands of years. In most early societies, milk was processed into cheese or yogurt more often than it was poured, and even today, lactose intolerance remains common in many parts of the world, showing that widespread milk drinking is a relatively recent — and uneven — chapter of human history.
During Europe’s golden age of exploration — from roughly the 1400s through the 1700s — long voyages over land and sea were fraught with danger. Potential threats lay around every corner and across every sea — harsh landscapes, raging oceans, and clashes with Indigenous inhabitants were just some of the problems faced. And then there were the fundamentals of survival, none more important than what to eat.
For sailors at sea and overland expeditions pushing through unmapped wilderness, the question of food was one not of comfort but of staying alive. A lack of food meant starvation and sickness, and often a catastrophic end to even the most meticulously planned expedition. But what exactly did explorers eat on these long journeys? Here we look at some of the common food supplies carried — or harvested — during this era.
If there was one food that defined the age of exploration for sailors, it was hardtack (also known as ship’s biscuit), a dense, unleavened biscuit made from nothing but flour, water, and occasionally salt, baked until every trace of moisture was driven from it. It wasn’t particularly popular — the result was something closer to a building material than a food — but it kept stomachs from rumbling and people alive.
When properly stored and kept dry, the rock-solid, tasteless biscuits had an almost endless shelf life, making the food vital in an age before canned goods. Hardtack became a part of the standard daily rations for sailors and explorers, who typically soaked the biscuit in water, beer, or broth to make it soft enough to chew. But hardtack could go moldy when damp and was prone to insect infestation — most sailors would tap or dunk their hardtack to scare out any lingering weevils.
Biscuits alone wouldn’t keep sailors fit and healthy on a voyage lasting weeks or months. Having sources of protein was vital, and these were stocked on board in advance in preserved form. Salted beef and pork (known as salt tack) were a fundamental part of a sailor’s diet, as was salted fish — typically cod, favored due to its low oil content, which made for easier preservation. Salt preservation was one of the few reliable food technologies of the era, capable of keeping meat edible for months. Meat and fish were heavily salted and packed in wooden barrels before departure, and were essential for the success of any voyage.
Not all the meat stored for voyages was preserved. When space allowed, and especially for longer expeditions, ships carried livestock in the form of pigs, goats, chickens, and sometimes cattle, which were loaded aboard to be slaughtered and eaten as the journey progressed.
The English ship the Golden Hind, on which navigator Francis Drake completed his circumnavigation of the globe between 1577 and 1580, carried livestock that was butchered throughout the voyage, with chickens providing eggs for as long as they could be kept alive. In general, however, livestock didn’t fare well on ocean voyages, and sailors would soon find themselves falling back on salted meat and hardtack.
Salted butter and cheese, both of which were ideal for long journeys, made hardtack more palatable and provided a much-needed contrast to all the preserved meat. During English explorer Martin Frobisher’s expedition in the 1570s, which sought the Northwest Passage for trade purposes, each sailor had a daily food allowance that included a quarter pound of butter and half a pound of cheese, to go with their pound of hardtack. Later, in 1677, Samuel Pepys, then secretary to the British Admiralty, included cheese and butter in his list of provisions for every sailor in the navy.
Keeping stores of fresh water was one of the most logistically challenging elements of any long voyage. Even when stored in sealed barrels, water went stagnant quickly, developing algae, insects, and a foul taste within weeks. The solution was beer. This was a low-strength brew in which the alcohol acted as a mild preservative, keeping the liquid drinkable for far longer than water. Beer is also rich in vitamins, particularly B vitamins, as well as carbohydrates, both of which were needed to supplement a sailor’s diet. A sailor’s ration, including for those serving in the British navy, often included 1 gallon of beer each day.
Many sea expeditions set sail carrying fresh fruit and vegetables — but these supplies didn’t last long. While dried peas and beans could keep for extended periods of time stored in barrels, fresh produce such as apples, pears, onions, garlic, and citrus fruits would often perish within weeks. The lack of fresh produce took a terrible toll. From the 15th to 17th centuries, more sailors lost their lives to scurvy — caused by a dietary deficiency in vitamin C — than to war, storms, shipwrecks, or any other diseases combined. It wasn’t until 1753 that Scottish naval surgeon James Lind definitively proved that scurvy could be cured and prevented by consuming the juice of oranges, limes, and lemons, after which citrus juices (often mixed with a little alcohol to prevent spoiling) became a vital part of a ship’s supplies.
Explorers setting out on overland expeditions faced different but equally serious food challenges. Sometimes, however, they had a far wider array of potential solutions than those available during sea voyages. For example, Spanish conquistadors pushing through the Americas in the 16th century depended heavily on what they could extract — voluntarily or otherwise — from the Indigenous populations they encountered. Hernán Cortés and his men survived portions of their Mexican campaign on maize, beans, and whatever could be seized or traded from local communities. Other overland expeditions had fewer options, and in some cases relied heavily on pemmican, a concentrated mixture of dried meat (often bison) and fat traditionally prepared by Indigenous peoples in North America. In 1793, when Scottish explorer Alexander Mackenzie became the first European explorer to cross North America north of Mexico, he relied on pemmican as the core provision of his overland push, supplemented by whatever his party could hunt and fish along the route. Pemmican was arguably the most sophisticated long-distance food technology of the age, being calorie-dense, lightweight, and stable for months — the original energy bar.
If you grew up in the 1950s, ’60s, or ’70s, you might remember starting the day with a bowl of frosted cereal and a glass of orange juice, followed by a sandwich on soft white bread for lunch. At the time, packaging and advertisements emphasized that these foods were nutritionally balanced, vitamin-enriched, and backed by modern science.
Many foods promoted as “healthy” in decades past rose to prominence during specific cultural moments: the post-World War II convenience boom, the rise of industrial food processing, and the low-fat movement of the 1970s and ’80s. In each case, marketing often outpaced scientific understanding. Looking back at these former “health foods” reveals how dramatically nutrition advice and public perception can shift over time — and how easily the label of “healthy” can be shaped by trends, rather than evidence.
Margarine surged in popularity beginning in the 1940s and especially through the 1960s and ’70s, when concerns about heart disease began to enter public consciousness. As early as the ’50s, public health messaging increasingly warned against saturated fats, and margarine — made from vegetable oils — was positioned as the modern, healthier alternative to butter.
Advertising leaned heavily on nutrition science. Packaging and print ads used phrases such as “heart-healthy,” “cholesterol-conscious,” and “made from pure vegetable oils.” Some campaigns featured endorsements from doctors or referenced emerging research about cholesterol, even when that research was still developing or incomplete. Margarine was presented not just as a butter substitute but as a proactive choice for protecting one’s heart.
What consumers didn’t realize was that many early margarines were produced through partial hydrogenation, creating trans fats. These fats were later found to raise LDL (“bad”) cholesterol and lower HDL (“good”) cholesterol — essentially the opposite of what the marketing promised. The widespread use of margarine as a health food was based on a simplified understanding of fat and heart disease, combined with persuasive messaging that emphasized innovation over long-term evidence.
From the 1940s through the 1990s, fruit juice — especially orange juice — was marketed as an essential part of a healthy daily routine. Campaigns promoted it as a concentrated source of vitamins, particularly vitamin C.
Juice companies frequently aligned themselves with vitality and performance, and advertisements featured active families, athletes, and growing children, implying that juice was a foundational health food for energy and development. Some messaging even suggested juice could help prevent illness, leaning into its vitamin content as a kind of nutritional safeguard.
The reasoning seemed sound at the time. Fruit is healthy, so fruit juice must be as well — perhaps even more so, because it was processed and standardized. What was overlooked, however, was the role of fiber. Juicing removes most of the fiber found in whole fruit, leaving behind concentrated natural sugars that are absorbed quickly by the body. The result is a drink that behaves metabolically more like a sugary beverage than a whole food.
Powdered drink mixes such as Tang rose to prominence in the 1960s, marketed not just as convenient but as modern, science-backed nutrition. Tang, in particular, benefited from its association with the U.S. space program. This connection to astronauts gave Tang a powerful health connotation. Marketing emphasized added vitamins — especially vitamin C — and framed the drink as a smart way for families to support energy, growth, and overall wellness. The messaging leaned heavily on innovation and fortification, suggesting that a technologically enhanced product could be just as good as, or even better than, whole foods.
Other powdered mixes of the era, including instant breakfast drinks such as Carnation Instant Breakfast, were even more explicitly positioned as “healthy.” Marketed as convenient meal substitutes, they were promoted to busy families as a way to ensure children received essential nutrients — even if they skipped a traditional breakfast.
In reality, many of these powdered drinks were largely composed of sugar or refined carbohydrates, with added vitamins used to bolster their nutritional image. While they did provide certain nutrients, their reputation as healthy drink options was driven more by marketing than by a balanced nutritional profile.
Breakfast cereals were among the earliest foods to be marketed as health foods. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, companies such as Kellogg promoted them as part of a clean, balanced diet, often tied to digestive health. These early cereals were relatively plain and minimally sweetened, reflecting broader health reform movements of the time.
In the 1940s through the 1970s, cereal marketing shifted as products became more refined and significantly sweeter. Even so, they were promoted as nutritious, with packaging emphasizing added iron, B vitamins, and other nutrients. Advertising targeted both parents and children — highlighting “essential vitamins and minerals” and “fuel” for the day — while mascots and sports tie-ins suggested strength and performance.
The idea was that fortification could make up for processing. As a result, even sugar-laden cereals were framed as healthy, despite their high sugar content and reliance on refined grains, which can lead to quick spikes in blood sugar and short-lived energy.
Granola emerged as a health food icon in the 1960s and ’70s, closely tied to the natural foods movement and counterculture. It was marketed as a return to simpler, more “natural” eating — often associated with outdoor lifestyles, self-sufficiency, and holistic wellness.
Unlike many other foods promoted as healthy, granola’s health reputation didn’t come from industrial marketing alone. It was also promoted through word of mouth, co-ops, and early health food stores. Packaging and messaging emphasized whole ingredients such as oats, nuts, and dried fruit, along with ideas of purity, energy, and fiber.
However, as granola entered the mainstream, commercial versions began to include significant amounts of added sugar, oils, and sweeteners to improve taste and texture. Despite its wholesome image, many versions became calorie-dense and sugar-heavy, diverging from the simpler recipes that originally defined the snack.
Low-fat yogurt became a major “health food” during the 1970s and ’80s, when dietary fat — especially saturated fat — was widely viewed as the primary cause of weight gain and heart disease. Yogurt was already associated with calcium and digestive health, but the low-fat versions were marketed as an ideal choice for dieting and heart-conscious consumers.
Yogurt advertising emphasized weight management, often featuring slim figures, fitness themes, and language like “guilt-free” or “light.” The issue arose when fat was removed and replaced with added sugars to maintain flavor. Many low-fat yogurts became highly sweetened and, with the addition of fruit and other flavorings, shifted closer to dessert than to a balanced health food. In the end, the emphasis on cutting fat overshadowed the importance of overall nutritional balance.
From the 1930s to the 1960s, white bread was widely promoted as a triumph of modern food science. Industrial baking processes produced soft, uniform loaves that were seen as cleaner, safer, and more advanced than traditional whole-grain breads.
The marketing campaign for Wonder Bread emphasized nutrition during the “wonder years” of childhood, highlighting the bread’s protein, minerals, carbohydrates, and vitamins. Advertisements suggested that white bread could help kids grow strong and healthy, while also promoting its soft texture and easy digestibility as ideal for everyone in the family.
At the time, refinement was associated with progress. The removal of bran and germ was seen not as a loss, but as an improvement — making bread more appealing and easier to digest. Only later did it become clear that this process also removed fiber and other beneficial nutrients.
Credit: Harold M. Lambert/ Archive Photos via Getty Images
Author Timothy Ott
March 25, 2026
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According to popular legend, the English aristocrat John Montagu, the 4th Earl of Sandwich, was engaged in an all-night card game in 1762 when he became distracted by hunger pangs. Not wanting to stop playing, he instructed his servant to bring him a snack of beef between two slices of bread, allowing him to satiate the twin desires of filling his belly and raking in more dough.
While he was hardly the first person in history to consider eating food in this fashion — Montagu may have been inspired by culinary creations in Turkey and Greece — the earl’s idea caught on across English high society and led to the honor of having his name affixed to this particular bread-based meal.
The sandwich soon spread to other social strata across Europe and in the American colonies, its popularity underscored by increasing appearances in cookbooks through the 19th and 20th centuries. However, numerous once-popular foods have failed to survive to the present day, and the same goes for certain old-fashioned sandwiches; some of them are just too bizarre for modern palates. Here are six sandwiches that were (mostly) pushed aside by modern diners in favor of tastier options.
In the U.S. in the 19th and early 20th centuries, oysters were a popular sandwich filling. Sandwiches known as “oyster loaves” were featured in Mary Randolph’s cookbook and guide The Virginia Housewife in 1824, and numerous entries in Eva Green Fuller’s Up-To-Date Sandwich Book in 1909. The first and most basic recipe from Fuller’s book instructs readers to supply a dash of tabasco sauce, lemon juice, and oil to chopped raw oysters (without specifying measurements), slather the mixture on white bread, and then top it off with a lettuce leaf.
A sandwich aficionado by the name of Barry Enderwick has dug up a trove of old cookbooks to recreate forgotten specialties on his "Sandwiches of History" social media channels, and the yeast sandwich is one such bygone dish. Yeast is typically used for the processes of fermenting beer and leavening bread, and it's unusual to find it as a featured ingredient of a dish. But in the 1930s, there was a push on the part of Fleischmann's to promote the nutritional benefits of its product, resulting in an entry in Florence A. Cowles' 1001 Sandwiches (1936). Cowles calls for five drops of "table sauce" to be added to a cake of compressed yeast, with the resulting paste spread on a cracker or bread. Regardless of whether the table sauce was meant to be ketchup, Worcestershire sauce, or another ingredient, this sandwich did little to help the ultimately unsuccessful attempt to enhance American cravings for yeast-filled meals.
This one's actually a bit of a misnomer. Yes, there are (chopped) pickles in here, but the instructions in 1916's Salads, Sandwiches and Chafing Dish Recipes also call for mixing the brined vegetable with whipped cream, mayonnaise, and grated horseradish, and adding chopped cooked beef to the mixture atop buttered bread.
Popcorn is a popular snack, so why not pair these bite-sized goodies with yummy buttered toast to produce an extra-delectable dish? That seems to have been the idea behind the recipe in 1909's Up-to-Date Sandwich Book, except the dish also calls for readers to add "five boned sardines, a dash of Worcestershire, and enough tomato catsup to form a paste."
Yes, this is exactly what it sounds like. According to the bestselling Beeton's Book of Household Management from 1861, the recipe simply calls for inserting a piece of cold toast between two slices of buttered bread and seasoning it all with salt and pepper (although the author, Isabella Beeton, helpfully suggests that it could be livened up with slices of meat). While clearly a relic of an era of different tastes, the toast sandwich was revived by the United Kingdom's Royal Society of Chemistry in 2011, and has also surfaced on the menu of the Fat Duck restaurant in Bray, Berkshire, England.
Credit: Diana Miller/ Connect Images via Getty Images
Mashed Potato Sandwich
This creation, also known as the "Greatest Man Sandwich in the World," is attributed to the one and only Gene Kelly. While it's unclear where the recipe first appeared, or whether it was invented or adopted by the famed performer, it is clear that this sandwich is not for folks looking to limit their carbs. The recipe requires a thick layer of leftover mashed potatoes to be spread on buttered French bread and topped with onion slices, mayonnaise, and a hearty dose of salt and pepper; the product is then browned in a broiler. According to one recipe, it was to be enjoyed with the "nearest mug of beer."
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Popular Breakfast Foods That Used To Be Dinner Foods
Why do pancakes remind us of a lazy Sunday morning ritual but seem like a strange choice at 7 p.m. on a weekday? And why do we whip up an omelet before work but rarely think to serve eggs for dinner? Many of the foods we now associate with breakfast weren’t always tied to the first meal of the day. Indeed for much of history, the idea of “breakfast foods” didn’t exist at all.
While breakfast has been around for centuries, the modern concept of it as a specialized category of food emerged primarily in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Before the Industrial Revolution, meals were shaped largely by agricultural labor cycles and household food availability, and people commonly ate similar foods throughout the day. Industrialization transformed daily life by imposing standardized work hours and commuting routines, creating demand for quick, portable, and easily digestible morning meals.
Meanwhile, the rise of packaged foods, advertising, and mass media introduced new ideas about nutrition, health, and productivity, helping define what breakfast should look like. Here are six foods that once graced the dinner table but have become associated primarily with breakfast.
In colonial America and through much of the 19th century, pancakes — also known as flapjacks, hoecakes, johnnycakes, or slapjacks — were served not just at breakfast but also for dinner (the day’s main midday meal, or what we’d call lunch today) and supper. Early American cookbooks, such asAmerican Cookery (1796), include multiple versions of pancakes made from wheat flour or cornmeal. They might be eaten with butter, molasses, maple syrup, or alongside savory dishes and meat drippings. Rather than belonging to a specific mealtime, pancakes functioned much like bread: inexpensive, filling, and adaptable.
Their tighter identification with breakfast developed gradually in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. As printed breakfast menus became more standardized in hotels, restaurants, and eventually diners, pancakes appeared more consistently as a morning offering. Commercial baking powder made lighter cakes easier to prepare, and affordable syrup brands such as Long Cabin and Aunt Jemima (introduced in 1887 and 1888) reinforced the pairing of pancakes with sweet toppings and the morning meal. By the mid-20th century, pancakes were culturally framed almost exclusively as breakfast food, and their long history as an all-day staple was largely forgotten.
For much of American history, neither bacon nor eggs belonged exclusively to breakfast. Eggs were an everyday, all-purpose food in the 18th and 19th centuries, appearing at breakfast but also at dinner and supper in omelets and other fried or baked dishes. Cookbooks such as The Virginia Housewife (1824) include savory egg dishes suited to the day’s main meal. Bacon, meanwhile, was part of the broader salt pork tradition, valued for its preservation qualities and caloric density. In colonial and 19th-century households, cured pork was commonly served with beans, greens, cabbage, or potatoes, or used to flavor stews and vegetables.
The strong association of bacon and eggs with breakfast took shape in the 1920s. Seeking to boost sales, the Beech-Nut Packing Company launched a publicity campaign promoting the foods as the ideal hearty breakfast. The effort encouraged physicians to endorse substantial protein-centered morning meals and publicized the pairing nationwide. Restaurants, hotels, and the growing American diner culture soon standardized bacon and eggs as the centerpiece of breakfast menus. By the mid-20th century, the combination had become synonymous with “the most important meal of the day” — overshadowing the long history of both foods as common components of dinner and supper.
Hash began as a practical leftover dish. The word comes from the French hacher, meaning “to chop,” and by the 18th and 19th centuries, English and American cookbooks described hash as chopped cooked meat — often beef or mutton — reheated with onions, potatoes, and gravy. Before refrigeration, this was an economical way to repurpose Sunday roasts into the next day’s dinner or supper. Many early American cookbooks include hashed meat recipes as main dishes rather than breakfast fare. By the mid-19th century, inexpensive restaurants serving cheap, reheated fare were colloquially known as hash houses.
Hash migrated to the breakfast table gradually in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Its ability to be reheated quickly made it well suited to restaurant and hotel breakfast service, and by the early 1900s corned beef hash appeared regularly on printed breakfast menus. The growth of diners further cemented the association — particularly as canned corned beef became widely available in the late 19th century. By the mid-20th century, hash was primarily a breakfast or brunch dish, despite its origins as a dinner made from leftovers.
Waffles have a long history in the United States, arriving with Dutch settlers in the 17th century and becoming especially prominent in Pennsylvania Dutch cooking. In the 18th and 19th centuries, waffles were not strictly a breakfast food — they appeared at lunch and supper as an accompaniment to roasted or stewed meat. Often served with savory accompaniments rather than syrup, they were versatile enough to soak up gravies, stews, and other rich sauces. In Pennsylvania Dutch communities, waffles topped with pulled chicken and gravy were a traditional Sunday dinner, a hearty meal rather than a morning treat.
The pairing of fried chicken and waffles developed separately and later. In 1930s Harlem, venues such as the Wells Supper Club served the dish to late-night crowds leaving clubs and theaters, offering a satisfying combination that bridged dinner and breakfast cravings. By the late 20th century, chicken and waffles shifted into a sweet and savory breakfast and brunch staple, particularly as restaurant culture expanded and diners embraced indulgent morning fare.
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